This unit is about representations of gender in Hollywood films. As part of this, you are reading an article about women action heroes. Therefore, for this discussion board I want you to closely ana

This unit is about representations of gender in Hollywood films. As part of this, you are reading an article about women action heroes. Therefore, for this discussion board I want you to closely ana
ORIGINAL ARTICLE Violent Female Action Characters in Contemporary American Cinema Katy Gilpatric Published online: 7 March 2010 # Springer Science??? Media, LLC 2010 AbstractThis research is a content analysis of violent female action characters ( VFAC ) shown in American action films from 1991 through 2005. The analysis focused on three aspects of VFACs: (1) gender stereotypes, (2) demographics, and (3) quantity and type of violence. Findings showed that 58.6% of VFACs were portrayed in a submissive role to the male hero in the film, and 42% were romantically linked to him. The average VFAC was young, white, highly educated, and unmarried. VFACs engaged in masculine types of violence yet retained feminine stereotypes due to their submissive role and romantic involvement with a dominant male hero character. The findings suggest continued gender stereotypes set within a violent framework of contemporary American cinema. KeywordsFilm. Violence. Gender. Stereotypes. Content Analysis Introduction In 1979, Sigourney Weaver played Lt. Ripley in the movie Alien. Film theorists generally agree that the action character Lt. Ripley paved the way for a new type of female representation in American popular culture (Brown 1996,2005; Clover1992; Inness2004; Tasker1993). A sea change in filmic representations of female action charactersoccurred after the success ofAlienincluding theAlien sequels and such films series asTerminator,Lara Croft,and Kill Bill. It is now commonplace to see female action characters engage in hand-to-hand combat, wield swords, shoot machine guns, and employ high-tech weaponry to destroy people and property behaviors once the exclusive domain of male action heroes. These tough female representations seem to have moved beyond traditional notions of femininity and have drawn attention from feminist theorists who have debated whether they are empowering images for real women (McCaughey and King 2001), represent the ability of women to draw upon their femininity as a source of power (Rowe-Karlyn2003), or are a kind of post-woman operating outside the boundaries of gender restrictions (Hills1999). The present research adds to the ongoing academic debate by examining female characters in American action films to determine whether they are really moving beyond traditional gender roles and norms, or are re-articulating and re-presenting gender stereotypes in a new guise. There is substantial literature offering interpretive analyses of female action characters portrayed in cinema but relatively few studies that provide quantitative data. This research utilized an empirical approach through content analysis. The content analysis focused on three major areas of research. First, it examined the gender stereotypes displayed by female action characters. Second, it created a profile or average type of female action character from the demographic data gathered. Third, it analyzed the quantity and type of violence committed by female action characters. The findings of this research help to reveal the contradictory nature of female action characters appearing in contemporary mainstream American cinema. These characters are female, yet they engage in traditionally masculine forms of physical violence. They also appear in K. Gilpatric (*) Department of Social Sciences, Kaplan University, 6301 Kaplan University Lane, Fort Lauderdale, FL 33309, USA e-mail: [email protected] Sex Roles (2010) 62:734 746 DOI 10.1007/s11199-010-9757-7 action movies alongside male heroes engaging in violence. The success of American action films at the domestic box office can be attributed to the targeted youth audience (MPAA2007). Media has long been recognized as an agent of socialization (Bandura1986; Blumer and Hauser1933; Gerbner1970; Lazarsfeld and Merton1948). Therefore, it is worth examining the representations of violent female action characters shown in popular action movies because of the potential to influence a young viewing audience and their ideas about gender and violence (Gerbner1998; Huesmann1999; Signorielli and Bacue1999). In addition to the potential problems of violent media influencing the socialization process, a feminist critique can be applied. Feminist film critics have a long history of analyzing the representations of women in movies and comparing them to the inequities of real-world gender roles. Rosen (1973) critiqued the one-dimensional characters that played stereotypical roles of good wife and mother. Haskell (1974) criticized the depiction of self-sacrificing female characters in romanticmelodramas. Mulvey s(1975) psychoanalytic approach placed popular cinema inside a patriarchal society that imposed an imbalance between active/male and passive/female ways of looking at charac- ters in film. She asserted that female images serve as signs of visual pleasure for a male gaze , and that the man s role is the active one of advancing the story and making things happen (p. 11). By the 1990s, feminist film theorists argued against totalizing and essentialist readings of film. Instead they proposed an active viewer who engages in her own meaning-making processes as she uses what she sees on- screen to help construct her own identity (Dyer2002; McRobbie2004; Stacey2000). The very labels of male and female were challenged as being essentialist by feminists who considered gender to be a social construction (Butler1990; Lorber1999). In addition, postmodern feminists have challenged the privileged representations of white, Western, hetero females in cinema and the resultant problems of audience identificatory practices (Butler1999; Hooks1996; Modleski1991; Tasker and Negra2007; Trinh 1991). The theories of these feminist media critics seem disparate. However, they have in common an understanding that female identities are informed by social codes rooted in popular culture. Continued analyses of media representa- tions help to shed light on the ways in which our normative ideas about femininity are formed in American popular culture. Gender Stereotypes in the Media The first focus of this research was on the gender stereo- types displayed by female action characters. Calvert et al.( 2001) and Dietz (1998) have found that female action characters rarely get to play the main hero character. Magoulick s(2006) analysis of television action heroines found that the heroine is usually shown in a romantic relationship with a male protagonist who retained power and control over her. King (2008) conducted a content analysis of 291 cop-action films and found that female police characters, even though in a male-dominated profes- sion, usually maintained rookie status and were engaged in romantic relationships with fellow workers. King (2008) also found that women were twice as likely as men to take on lovers during the course of the film. Eschholz and Bufkin (2001) conducted a content analysis of 50 popular films and found that female characters were more likely to be romantic, domestic, sensitive, and manipulative, and male characters were more likely to be competitive, athletic, aggressive, and risk-taking. The researchers concluded that on average, male characters were more masculine and female characters more feminine (p. 324). Consensus on gender stereotypes can be problematic, so this research relied on an established standard of gender traits employed in social science research (Eschholz and Bufkin2001; Lueptow et al.2001; Twenge1997). The gender traits for masculine stereotypes include:dominant, aggressive, competitive, independent, ambitious, self- confident, adventurous,anddecisive. Traits used for feminine stereotypes include:affectionate, submissive, emotional, sympathetic, talkative,andgentle. In light of the literature above regarding gender stereo- types in the media, the first research question asked: 1. Do female action characters exhibit gender stereotypes? Media Representations of Age, Marital Status, Race, and Occupation The second focus of this research was the demographics of the female action character. Previous media studies have shown a consistent pattern of female characters depicted as young and unmarried. Elasmer et al. (1999) studied prime time television programs in 1992 93 and found that over 60% of female characters were in their twenties and thirties and 12.6% were shown as currently married. Nearly a decade later, Glascock s(2003) analysis of prime time programs in 2001 found 58.8% of female characters were ages 18 to 37 and 17.8% were shown as married. Similarly for film, Eschholz et al. (2002) found that 71% of the female characters in popular 1996 movies were in their twenties or thirties, and King (2008) found 80% were unmarried in action movies from 1968 to 2006. Media studies have found increasing numbers of African American characters in prime time television. Mastro and Greenberg (2000) examined over two decades of programs Sex Roles (2010) 62:734 746735 and found that by 1997 African American representation on television reached parity with U.S. population statistics. Glascock (2001) found African Americans represented 14% of characters on prime time television and was slightly higher than the U.S. population. Although there has been improvement in racial diversity shown in the media some groups have not fared as well. A Children Now (2004) report found that Hispanics, Asians, and Native Americans have been underrepresented in prime time television. Similarly, Eschholz et al. (2002) stated that Hispanics, Native Americans, and Asians were almost entirely missing from the 1996 popular films line-up (p. 314). Media studies have found that representations of women portrayed in professional occupations are increasing. Signorielli and Bacue s(1999) study of prime time tele- vision spanning three decades found that there has been a significant increase in the number of female characters cast as professionals. In a subsequent study, Signorielli and Kahlenberg (2001) found that women were just as likely to be cast in professional (doctor, teacher, lawyer) and white- collar (secretarial, managerial, clerical) jobs as males (p. 10). Children Now (2004) reported that 28% of females in TV programs were portrayed in high-status occupations such as executive/CEO, physician, attorney, judge, or other professional, and only 5% were depicted as homemakers. Similarly, Steinke s(2005) research found an increase in the number of female scientists and engineers depicted in movies from 1991 to 2001. In light of the literature above regarding demographics of female representations in the media, the second research question asked: 2. What is the demographic profile of the female action character? Violence and Gender in the Media The third focus of the research is on the quantity and type of violence committed by female action characters. Vio- lence is typically associated with masculinity. Eschholz and Bufkin (2001) compared the biological sex of movie characters to the specific gender traits listed above and found that the traits of masculinity were highly correlated with violent acts shown in the movies regardless of biological sex. The assertion of the study was that female characters were masculinized when they engaged in violence. Media studies indicate that there has been an increase in the number of female action characters over time. Signorielli and Bacue (1999) analyzed prime-time television spanning three decades and found an increase in the number of female characters within the action-adventure genre. Other studies confirm this trend in various action- oriented media including film, television, and video games(Dill and Thill2007; Jansz and Martis2007; King2008; Sapolsky et al.2003). Several analyses of media have expressed concern over the victimization of women in various media (Crosby2005; Haskell1974; Linz and Donnerstein1994; Williams1991). However, other media research has found that women are victimized less often than are men (Dietz1998; Eschholz and Bufkin2001; Smith et al.1998). This fact mirrors real- world statistics because male offenders most often victimize other males (U.S. Bureau of Justice1999). Sapolsky et al. (2003) examined the top-10 action films from the 1990s and found that males were shown as victims significantly more often than females. Signorielli (2003) found a significant change in the ratio of female violence to female victimization in prime time television over the past three decades, stating instead of 16 women being victimized for each woman who hurts or kills, the odds are even: women are equally likely to hurt or kill as be hurt or killed (p. 51). Signorielli also counted the number of characters that were killed in network television from 1969 to 1988 and found that 83% were male and 17% were female (in Linz and Donnerstein1994). This finding is also consistent with actual statistics because 64.4% of homicides in the U.S. are committed by male offenders, 7.1% by females, and 28.5% unknown (U.S. Department of Justice2007). In this research real-world statistics were used to develop a gendered orientation of violence. A U.S. Bureau of Justice special report on women offenders (1999) compared female types of violence with that of males. The report found that females commit only 14% of all violent crimes. Violent female offenders usually engage in simple assaults directed at other females (75%). Female offenders usually have had some relationship with their victim who was often an intimate, relative, or acquaintance (62%). Also, more than half of female offenders act alone (53%) and they rarely use weapons (15%). In contrast, male offenders account for 86% of all violent crimes. They are most often violent toward other males (70%) and act in groups with other men (51%). Men usually have no prior relationship with their victim (64%) and use weapons (28%) more frequently than women. The report also states that the consequences of male violence are generally more serious in terms of weapon used, injury, and out-of-pocket losses to the victim (U.S. Bureau of Justice1999, p. 3). Not all violence shown in the movies is related to crime because both bad and good characters engage in violent acts. Eschholz and Bufkin (2001) found a consistent pattern of masculine violence in popular films stating that it was significantly related to both offending and victimization in the movies. The good characters, who successfully accomplish masculinity, and the bad ones who challenge their dominators, repeatedly resort to violence and crime (p. 670). 736Sex Roles (2010) 62:734 746 Violent means are also used to protect society and citizenry, as is the case with male-dominated occupations such as the military and police. In the past several decades women have increasingly entered male-dominated occupa- tions in the U.S. (Wootton1997). This change in American social reality has been reflected in the movies with the inclusion of female police and soldiers as action characters (King2008; Tasker1998). Violence can also take on a feminine form. Powers (1991) suggests that violence has been linked with the archetype of protectress. Similarly, Tasker (1998)has argued that female action characters draw upon a heroic maternal motif to create stereotypes of mother and wife who risk all to save children and loved ones. In light of the literature above regarding violence and gender in the media, the following research questions asked: 3. Has there has been an increase in the number of action films that contain female action characters? 4. Are female action characters engaging in more acts of violence over time? 5. Do female action characters tend to commit gender- oriented violence? Method Units of Analysis Female action characters appeared in multiple scenes of violence within the films analyzed. Therefore, this research had two units of analysis: (1) the Violent Female Action Character (VFAC), and (2) the violent scene in which she appeared. For purposes of this study, a VFAC was a leading female character in the film who engaged in at least one act of physical violence. Physical violence was defined as physical force exerted (with or without weaponry) in an attempt to cause bodily injury, death, or damage to property. Sample The films analyzed in this research were those ranked by Internet Movie Data Base (IMDB) as the highest grossing American action films. The sample consisted of the top-20 action films (as determined by IMDB) released over a 15-year period between 1991 and 2005, totaling 300 movies. The year 1991 was selected as a starting point because it attracted feminist attention with the release of Thelma and LouiseandTerminator 2: Judgment Day (Brown1996; Greenberg et al.1991). The action genre was selected as the appropriate target population because itis a male-dominated film genre that frequently contains violent female action characters (Sapolsky et al.2003; Tasker1993). Blockbuster action films generate the highest box office revenue of any film genre (King2002;MPAA2007). By focusing on the most successful films in the most successful genre this research tapped into social codes, norms, and gender stereotypes ingrained in mainstream American popular culture. Of the 300 films in the sampling frame only those containing a VFAC were included in the final sample for coding. To determine if a VFAC was present in the film various resources were used including IMDB smovie synopses, cast overviews, and links to external movie reviews. Where there was any doubt the movie was viewed in its entirety to determine if there was at least one VFAC present. The final sample contained 112 films (37% of the sampling frame). If an additional female action character was shown in the film committing violent acts, was central to the story, and was confirmed to be a main character in IMDBs cast overview, then that VFAC was also included. For example, when two female characters worked closely together, as in Thelma & Louise, or when they were arch enemies, as in Kill Bill, then the second VFAC was added. The number of VFACs was limited to three per movie. This limit ensured that the VFAC definition of a leading character was main- tained and that the coding process was not overly compli- cated. Of the 112 movies in the sample, 58% contained one VFAC, 40.2% contained two VFACs, and two movies (1.8%) contained three. The sample contained 157 different VFACs depicted in 786 scenes of physical violence. Codebook and Variables The codebook had two sections corresponding to each unit of analysis. The first section was used to code the gender stereotypes and demographics of the VFAC. The second section was used to code each violent scene in which the various VFACs appeared. To address research question one, two variables were created to measure gender stereotypes: Love Interest and Heroine Status. Love Interest indicated who the VFAC was romantically involved with and included the categories (1) male hero, (2) villain, (3) none, and (4) other. Heroine Status reflected how the VFAC was represented in relation to the male hero, if one was present. These categories included: (1) main heroine, (2) assists male hero, (3) assists and is protected by male hero, (4) is protected by male hero, (5) villainess, and (6) other. The VFAC was coded as the main heroine if she was the principal character in the story and portrayed as strong, capable, and in charge. VFAC status declined as she went from being a main heroine, to Sex Roles (2010) 62:734 746737 assisting the male hero, to being protected by him indicating a more submissive role. The first section of the codebook also contained demo- graphic variables for the VFAC. The variables included: Age Range, Marital Status, Race (based on U.S. Census catego- ries), Education Level, Occupation, and Realism. For the Occupation variable, coders recorded the VFAC occupation as portrayed in the film. The variable Realism was added during the informal codebook testing and therefore was not part of the literature review. It became evident that the codebook needed a variable to distinguish those VFACs that were portrayed as superheroes, extra-terrestrials, and vam- pires. The Realism variable consisted of the following values: (1) real, (2) part real, and (3) unreal. Real and unreal characters were based on human qualities or lack thereof. The middle category indicated characters that were human beings but also engaged in unrealistic physical feats. For example, the Bride (played by Uma Thurman) inKill Bill Vols. I and II, was a human being with unrealistic martial arts abilities that enabled her to leap and flip through the air while killing dozens of enemies using a special sword. The second section of the codebook contained variables for the violent scene unit of analysis. The variables addressed the quantity and type of violence the VFACs engaged in. Quantity of violence was determined using variables for the coding of each scene: Start-Time, End- Time, and Total Seconds (i.e. number of seconds calculated by subtracting Start-Time from End-Time). The type of violence committed by a VFAC was determined using five variables: Target, Relationship, Weaponry, Level of De- struction, and Motive. These five variables were used to determine if the VFAC engaged in masculine forms of violence and were based in large part on the U.S. Bureau of Justice statistics outlined in the literature review. The Target variable identified who or what was the target of violence for the VFAC. Target included the following categories: (1) male, (2) female, (3) property, (4) alien or other life form, and (5) other. If the VFAC engaged in violence with many people at once, then coders were instructed to identify the predominant gender present. For example, if the VFAC shot at a group of police and they appeared to be mostly men, then they were coded as male. Aliens were not gender coded. The Relationship variable identified the relationship of the target to the VFAC. Relationship included the following categories: (1) intimate, (2) acquaintance, (3) stranger, (4) alien or other life form, and (5) other. If the VFAC engaged in violence with multiple people, then the coders were instructed to identify and code the VFAC s relation to the primary target of her violence. The Weaponry variable was created as a scale and coders were instructed to identify the highest level of weaponry used by the VFAC in the scene. Weaponry included thefollowing categories: (1) martial arts or hand-to-hand combat; (2) knives, clubs, non-firearms; (3) guns or firearms; (4) military and high-tech weapons; and (5) other. The Level of Destruction variable was also set up as a scale and included the following categories: (1) no damage, (2) property damage only, (3) individual injury, (4) individual death, and (5) multiple injuries/deaths. Coders did not assume that property damage created collateral injuries or deaths unless these were specifically shown in the scene or indicated in dialogue. The Motive variable was created to identify if there were any gendered motives for violence depicted in the scenes. Motive did not relate to the plot of the film (i.e. issues of jealousy or revenge) instead it was specific to the single scene being coded. If the VFAC engaged in violence to protect a child or loved one, then Motive was coded (1) feminine. If the VFAC engaged in violence to protect a stranger or society at large, then Motive was coded (2) masculine. If a gendered motive did not occur, then Motive was coded using the following categories: (3) self-defense, only if the VFAC did not engage in the first strike defined below; (4) escape, if the VFAC engaged in violence in order to flee from her captors/ attackers; (5) evil, if the VFAC was a villainess; or (6) other. Coding Before formal coding began the codebook and instructions were tested twice for reliability. During these pilot tests two coders were trained using verbal and written instructions and asked to select several movies from the sample that spanned the study period. Each coder gave feedback that was used to refine codebook instructions, increase reliabil- ity, and identify potential problems in coding films that spanned the 15-year period. The coding tests revealed that over time action sequen- ces appeared to be getting shorter and occurring more rapidly, which made it difficult to establish the start and end times. Codebook instructions were refined to pinpoint the exact start and end time of each violent scene in order to achieve an acceptable level of reliability within a two- second margin of error. Specifically, timing for the violent scene began when the VFAC made the first strike , which was defined for coding purposes as the first moment she made a physical movement that resulted in an act of physical violence. For example, first strike occurred when Lara Croft pulled the trigger on her gun or when Catwoman cracked her whip. Timing stopped when the VFAC stopped engaging in the action. Intercoder reliability reached a minimum level of 80 percent agreement for all variables in the codebook before formal coding began. As researcher, I watched and coded all movies. To ensure intercoder reliability a subsample was established using five coders (including the two coders from testing). Each coder 738Sex Roles (2010) 62:734 746 was asked to select seven films from the sample one from every other year beginning 1991, 1992, or 1993. The subsample was purposive to ensure that at least one movie from each year was included. Of the 35 films selected by the five coders, eight were selected by more than one coder. This resulted in a subsample of 27 different films (24% of the sample) that contained 46 different VFACs shown in 212 different violent scenes. The subsample was coded by two coders (researcher included), and eight of the films in the subsample were coded by three coders. Two tests of reliability were used for each unit of analysis. Kappa coefficients compute chance between coders choices of the data available to them, whereas alpha and pi compute chance according to the probability of choices available within the data set (Krippendorff2004a). Cohen s kappa and Krippendorf s alpha were used to determine reliability for the VFAC unit of analysis. The alpha coefficient was suitable for the nominal variables and the smaller subsample of 46 VFACs (Krippendorff2004a). Cohen s Kappa and Scott s pi were used to determine reliability for the violent scene unit of analysis. The pi coefficient was suitable for continuous and ordinal varia- bles and the larger subsample of 212 violent scenes. Intercoder reliability was strongest for manifest content such as Age, Marital Status, Race, all of which had over .90 kappa and alpha coefficients. Heroine Status, although latent and reliant upon subjective interpretation, achieved .91 kappa and alpha. Three variables for the VFAC unit of analysis fell below .80 including Realism (.79 kappa and alpha), Education (.73 kappa and .74 alpha), and Love Interest (.72 kappa and .73 alpha). According to Krippendorf, a minimum acceptable level of reliability is .80, but those variables with coefficients between .667 and .80 may be used for drawing tentative conclusions (2004b,p.241). All variables for the violent scene unit of analysis reached above .80 for both kappa and pi coefficients including: Target (.81 kappa and pi), Relationship (.85 kappa and pi), Weaponry (.94 kappa and pi), Level of Destruction (.85 kappa and pi), Motive (.84 kappa and pi), and Total Seconds (.81 kappa and pi). Coders wrote in occupation, if known. Coders also included a brief explanation of what happened in each violent scene and commented on the general character of the VFAC and her violent actions. This information was helpful in understanding the circumstances of VFAC actions as well as clarifying and supporting the overall research findings. Results Research question one dealt with VFAC gender stereotypes. Two variables, Heroine Status and Love Interest, were used to identify gender stereotypes present in VFACs. Frequencydistributions for the two variables are shown in Table1.Of the 157 VFACs coded, only 15.3% were depicted as the main heroine, and 58.6% were depicted in a submissive role to the male hero. Submissive included the categories of assists male hero (28.0%), assists and protected by male hero (5.1%), and protected by male hero (25.5%). Seventy percent of VFACs were portrayed in a romantic relation- ship. Of those VFACs shown in relationships, over 60% were involved with the male hero. Crosstabs for the two variables contained several cells with a frequency less than five. In order to run chi square analysis the categories of assists male hero and assisted and protected by male hero were combined. In addition, the categories villain, villainess, and other were excluded. The results for the recoded data are shown in Table2. These results serve to highlight the relationship between the VFAC and the male hero. Chi square found a significant relationship between the recoded variables. The results showed that VFACs were most likely to be submissive in terms of being protected by the male hero when they were romantically linked to him. Further, those VFACs that had no romantic involvement were most likely to be main heroines and least likely to be protected by the male. In answer to question one, the results showed that the majority of VFACs maintained gender stereotypes with respect to feminine traits of submission and affection. On average, most VFACs were depicted in some type of romantic relationship and often romantically linked with the male hero of the story. More than half of all VFACs were shown in a submissive role to the male hero of the story. Further, the more submissive a VFAC was to a male hero, i.e. protected by rather than assisting, the more likely she was to be romantically involved with him, thus linking the feminine traits of submission and affection. The results also showed that main heroines were less likely to exhibit these feminine traits than were other types of VFACs. Table 1Frequency distribution for heroine status and love interest. Heroine Statusn% Main Heroine 24 15.3 Assists Male Hero 44 28.0 Protected by Male Hero 40 25.5 Assists & Protected by Male Hero 8 5.1 Villainess 28 17.8 Other 13 8.3 Love Interest Male Hero 66 42.0 Male Villain 19 12.1 None 47 29.9 Other 25 15.9 Sex Roles (2010) 62:734 746739 Research question two focused on VFAC demographics. Results showed that over 90% of VFACs were portrayed as young women, most in their twenties (55%) and thirties (38%). The percentage for VFACs in this age range was higher than the U.S. female population estimated to be 27.3% (U.S. Census2006). The VFAC s age makes sense when compared to the youth audience targeted by film- makers because 55% of all movie-goers are between the ages of 12 and 39 (MPAA2007). The data also showed that 81% of VFACs were not married. This statistic was also high compared to the estimated 60% of U.S. females between the ages of 20 and 34 who are not married (U.S. Census2006). Results found that 74.5% of VFACs were white, 9.5% were African American, 9.5% Hispanic, 5.1% Asian, and 1.4% other. African American and Hispanic VFACs were underrepresented when compared to their estimated U.S. populations of 13.5% and 15.1% respectively (U.S. Census 2008). It should also be noted that Halle Berry played one- quarter of the VFAC roles coded as African American. The data revealed that over 60% of VFACs were employed and most tended to have high status jobs. These findings suggest the VFACs occupations were more in line with real-world statistics because nearly 60% o

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